Archive for March 27th, 2009
HOMOSEXUAL OFFENDERS VS. ADULTS: AGE OF COITAL PARTNER
The homosexual offenders vs. adults were average or just below-average in the numbers of their first coital companions who were twenty or less. However, they have the second highest percentage of those whose first sexual companions were twenty-one or older.
This brings up a problem which we have evaded until now concerning the ages of the female coital companions. We have seen that all three homosexual groups occupy high to intermediate positions in a rank-order of those who had their first coitus with girls of fifteen or younger. In age-category 16-17 all three groups fall to low or low-intermediate positions, and in the subsequent age-categories (18-20, 21+) they rise again to high or intermediate positions. If one considers only absolute numbers, one sees a similar picture: a steady increase followed by an abrupt decrease, followed in turn by an increase—in brief, an N-shaped distribution. The decrease occurs in the 16-17 age-category for the homosexual offenders vs. children and minors, and in the 18-20 age-category for the homosexual offenders vs. adults. Assuming that one’s initial coital companion is ordinarily one’s own age or somewhat older, this up-down-up sequence may be explained by the following speculation. At ages ten to eleven the homosexual offenders enjoyed a fair to excellent relationship with girls of their own peer group. This good relationship, with attendant sexual activity, carried over into the early teens. Later, as the individuals became aware or more acutely aware of society’s dichotomy between heterosexuality and homosexuality, and as their homosexuality turned from what had seemed play into an emotional and social problem to them, their heterosexuality was temporarily depressed. This is reflected in the mediocre or poor socialization with females which they reported as having existed at ages sixteen and seventeen, as well as in the lesser number of coital partners of this age. Still later, thanks to having worked out their sexual problems to some extent or through simply accumulating heterosexual experience by living additional years, the homosexual offenders “recover” from this depressed state both in terms of rank-order and in terms of absolute percentages.
The expressed age preferences of the homosexual offenders vs. adults are in no way unusual. To a male with a strong homosexual component there are many factors more important than age when he tries to visualize an ideal female sexual partner.
*208\161\2*
INCEST OFFENDERS VS. ADULTS: SUMMARY
The incest offenders vs. adults came from large families, were liberally endowed with sisters, and got along very well with both parents. Prior to puberty they had few friends of either gender and were the least active sexually of any group. This characteristic of minimal sexual activity earned over into postpubertal life: the incidences and frequencies of masturbation and nocturnal emissions are low. Similarly they did little petting until just before marriage. While prevented to an unusual degree from having premarital coitus by their moral feelings and by their concern with public opinion, these men subscribed to the double standard: they wanted a virgin bride, often avoided coitus with their fianc?e, and turned to prostitutes for their sexual gratification. The numbers of their nonprostitute petting and coital partners were relatively small, and their sexual techniques were also quite limited.
After marriage they still remained somewhat restrained in terms of techniques and coital frequency, but they were quite fertile. In their middle thirties extramarital coitus became more important, and they began to take an interest in mouth-genital contact.
They were the least homosexual of any group and strongly disapproved of homosexuality. They were also the least criminal, and few could be called alcoholics.
All in all, these men may be described as conservative, moralistic, restrained, religiously devout, traditional, and uneducated. They were also the least responsive of any group to visual or fantasy stimuli. From the foregoing these men would seem unlikely to commit sex offenses, but they also seem to have been impulsive and given to rather disorganized lives that were complicated, in some cases, by drinking. Many of them came from a cultural background wherein sexual morality was publicly emphasized but privately breached with relative impunity. Given such a situation it is easy to see how an inhibited male with poor control of his impulses might not only break a sexual taboo but would be likely to keep his lapse within the secrecy of the family group.
*166\161\2*
INCEST OFFENDERS VS. CHILDREN: SEX DREAMS
The incest offenders vs. children had the largest proportion of any group who experienced nocturnal emissions (91 per cent). Among the single males the age-specific incidence figures were moderate to high-moderate, grading up from an initial 37 per cent to 61-66 per cent. Among the married portion of the sample, the percentage is moderate to rather high in comparison with other sex offenders, similar to that of the prison group, and below that of the control group. In general a rather uniform 40-50 per cent level was maintained.
Fewer of the incest offenders vs. children than any other group reported dreamless ejaculations. All those who did dream reported heterosexual dreams. They rate rather high in dreams of sexual contact with animals, although only 4 per cent were involved. In brief, nearly all incest offenders vs. children had ejaculations while sleeping, and these orgasms were accompanied almost always by ordinary heterosexual dreams; a few (but proportionately more than in most other groups) reported exotic dreams.
While the incest offenders vs. children had the largest proportion of individuals experiencing nocturnal emissions, they did not have emissions with unusual frequency or infrequency. However, the average (median) incest offender vs. children is always, after age fifteen, to be found near the top of rank-orders of frequency, with 5 to 9 such orgasms a year. For a sex-offender group these are high frequencies, but they are less than the control group’s 10 to 12 a year. In terms of mean frequency, the incest offenders vs. children are intermediate.
Owing to their moderation in adult sociosexual activity and low masturbation frequency in their teens, a correspondingly large proportion of their total sexual outlet before marriage derived from nocturnal emissions up to age twenty. Beyond that age the proportions are moderate. The proportions of total outlet constituted by emissions among the married are unexceptional.
*124\161\2*
HETEROSEXUAL AGGRESSORS VS. CHILDREN: HOMOSEXUAL ACTIVITY
Like the heterosexual offenders vs. children, heterosexual aggressors vs. children present a prosaic to below-average picture of homosexuality. In terms of rank-order, they are intermediate compared to other offenders in the percentage with homosexual experience in or out of prison (52 per cent), and with homosexual experience out of prison (48 per cent).
In the accumulative incidence table, which gives the percentages of individuals with postpubertal homosexual experience by given ages, they are seen to have small percentages: usually the second or third smallest up to age twenty, and near, or less than, those of the control group. Beyond that age our sample is numerically less adequate, but one can safely say that the accumulation of experience was unusually slow and gradual. This is also evident from the fact that the average (median) aggressor vs. children had his initial homosexual contact at twenty, the oldest median age recorded, whereas his first heterosexual contact occurred at sixteen. This four-year discrepancy is by far the greatest noted in any group.
Small sample size precludes calculation of age-specific incidence beyond age twenty, but up to that time the figures are moderate for single males. The frequency of homosexual contacts per year, outside prison, is also moderate: 3.7 per year, similar to that of the other aggressors and not much more than that of the control group.
The average (median) aggressor vs. children had homosexual contact with four males, a comparatively small number and one similar to the median control-group individual. Some 33 per cent, a large proportion, confined their activity to one male. The same number had two to five partners, and are intermediate in this rank-order. Relatively few had six or more partners, and none more than 75.
The sample with homosexual experience is too small to permit meaningful data on the age of the youngest male partner; however, one can say that there appears to be no pronounced homosexual pedophilia.
Two thirds of the heterosexual aggressors vs. children disapproved of male homosexuality in general and 12 per cent approved. This is more disapproval than reported by the majority of groups, but it is not extreme.
*82\161\2*
VARIETIES OF SEX OFFENDERS VS. CHILDREN: AMORAL DELINQUENTS
Amoral delinquents are persons known by various names such as “psychopaths,” “sociopaths,” “sociotics,” etc., who function essentially without regard to the controls society imposes and who do not have a conscience in the usual sense. When sexually aroused they are apt to employ any convenient human or animal for gratification. A few use children and hence appear, although rarely, among the men convicted for offenses vs. children. On the basis of very few cases it appears that such men are not apt to repeat the offense behavior: it is typically a one-time impulsive act. Deprivation and inferiority feelings are usually absent.
An illustrative case is that of a man of thirty-eight with dull to normal intelligence. His history was one of unskilled labor interlaced with gambling and bootlegging. At the time of the offense he was living with his third wife. He planned to go on a trip, and his wife invited an eleven-year-old girl to stay with her for company during his absence. However, he changed his mind and remained at home, where he and his wife had a drinking party and gave alcohol to the child. All three went to bed and the husband had coitus with the girl while the wife held her. He had had no prior interest in girls of this age; the act was simply one of amoral opportunism without any feeling of wrongdoing.
*39\161\2*